School of Social & Political Sciences

A battle of various nationalisms is taking place across the British Isles – the new Scottish government should consolidate its tradition of promoting a ‘civic’ alternative.

The results of the 2026 Holyrood election on May 7^th has brought the question of an independent Scotland back to the forefront. This renewed energy has been bolstered by the statements of First Minister John Swinney, who declared that if the Scottish National Party (SNP) sweeps the electoral floor as they did in 2011, the party will consider it a mandate to push for another independence referendum. Beyond the short-term outcome of the SNP’s success and potential negotiations with Westminster for another referendum, this reassertion of the pursuit of an independent Scotland will unfold in an increasingly turbulent political landscape both internationally and within the British Isles. One of the most pressing considerations is the need for the SNP and the broader Scottish independence movement to continue to champion their cause of civic nationalism in a future of rising ethnic nationalist movements in England and Ireland, and in the muddy political waters that the party will need to contend with in the instance of a referendum and beyond. This blogpost will set out and discuss the challenge that rising ethnic nationalism may present.

The Nationalism Question: Competing Forms of National Identity

The difference between civic and ethnic nationalism is one that has resonated through UK political history and is not a new concern within the Scottish independence question. Ethnic nationalism can be broadly understood as one that understands citizenship as belonging to those with a shared ethnic identity and heritage, distinguished by cultural markers that are generally inherited. Civic nationalism on the other hand promotes citizenship and belonging through the lens of shared engagement with legal institutions and values, operating as an inclusionary form of nationalism for all residents within a state or country regardless of ancestry or heritage. It is important to note that the differentiation between the two is not clear cut and significant overlap exists, especially in terms of cultural identity. Additionally, elements associated with ethnic nationalism are not necessarily a negative aspect within a country and are often themselves constitutive parts of cultural identity in need of protection such as language.

The danger with this form of nationalism, especially at the intersection of politics and secessionist movements, is the potential for movements and institutions built on a framework of ethnic nationalism to become exclusionary forces. This risk is elevated within salient and polarising movements, as ethnic nationalism has historically proven itself as an extremely effective mobilising agent with distinctive organising imagery and symbolism, capable of generating broad and popular appeal. Often a number of these elements become unavoidable and unextractable from secession movements, and the thin line between ethnic and civil nationalism can be difficult to identify. Similarly, the point at which these organising agents such as national symbols become exclusionary is not always clear.

Civic Nationalism in the 2014 Referendum

A case that demonstrates these dilemmas can be seen in the 2014 Scottish Independence referendum, in which clashes of opinion often arose over whether the pro-independence campaign utilised ethno-nationalist rhetoric and imagery. Despite these accusations at the time of the referendum, there is broad consensus that the official channels of the pro-independence campaign were able to operate on a basis of civic nationalism. The SNP has made great efforts to avoid engagement with ethnic nationalism and explicitly pursue a vision of civic nationalism in both their ethos as a governing party in Holyrood and in their conception of an independent Scotland. One of the clearest examples of this has been demonstrated in the 2014 referendum in which the vote for ‘YES’ or ‘NO’ to leaving the Union was granted only to those who lived in Scotland. This aligned with the SNP’s approach of Civic Nationalism; to be Scottish was to reside in and engage with the institutions of Scotland.

However, although the SNP are at the forefront of the push for an independent Scotland, they are not the only actors at play and political movements are difficult to predict as they unfold. Within the periphery of the 2014 referendum, pro-independence actors were beginning to engage with rhetoric of ethnic nationalism, although this was informal and not incorporated into policy decisions of the official campaign itself. Examination of the 2014 referendum with a focus on how these two forms of ethnic and civic nationalism interplay is imperative, as it provides insight into how actors within an upcoming pro-independence campaign can continue to safeguard and promote civic nationalism.  

Emergence of Ethnic Nationalism: the risk for post-Independence Nations

The question of safeguarding civic nationalism is a recurring question within independence movements and often remains relevant in post-independence nations that invoked concepts of nationalism within statecraft. One useful comparative case is that of Ireland. Although there are important distinctions in how Ireland and Scotland entered the union and consequently how and through what mechanisms they planned to leave it, there is a shared exchange that exists between how both states engaged with nationalism. A key theme that is continuing to appear within Irish politics is how the Irish Identity, which can be understood as the identity markers such as language, culture and heritage that constitute ethnicity, have not been adequately protected. Simultaneously ethnicity as a form of nationalism is increasingly weaponised as an exclusionary political force by the growing far-right. Scotland faces a very similar dichotomy. Holyrood has the legal responsibility to protect these important elements such as language, while simultaneously ensuring that they do not become constituted into a form of exclusionary nationalism in the framework for an independent Scotland. As mentioned previously, these cultural markers themselves do not merit harmful forms of ethnic nationalism, but as seen in Ireland in recent years, they have the potential to be co-opted and utilised by exclusionary actors even long after independence has been achieved. Unlike Ireland, Scotland has an advantage in that the institutions that promote civic nationalism are already in place due to the terms of the union. By contrast Ireland largely had to re-construct institutional frameworks following independence. However, there are still lessons to be learned. One of the most important is understanding that within any independence movement, nationalism rarely operates as unified and the SNP must be willing to prepare for encountering elements of support that originate within ideals of ethnic nationalism without compromising support for civic nationalism, and protection of Scottish culture.

Political Polarisation: The Risk to Civic Nationalism

While the SNP remained successful in front-lining civic nationalism within the 2014 independence referendum and steering the pro-independence campaign away from the rhetoric or imagery of ethno-nationalism, it cannot be understated the extent to which the face of UK politics has changed. This is demonstrated through increased polarisation across the UK; the rise of REFORM in England, a party that demonstrably operates of a basis of exclusionary ethnic nationalism, and even debates surrounding BREXIT which brought this increased polarisation to the forefront. Growing polarisation within Scotland following the independence referendum, in conjunction with these previous factors, provides a change in political landscape in comparison to 2014 and therefore necessitates a change in political strategy for safeguarding civic nationalism.

Another changing factor is the possible link between economic instability and the rise of ethnic nationalism. Currently Scotland is undergoing a cost-of-living crisis, and the socio-economic conditions within the country presents a very real risk that significant portions of the population may disengage with institutions through lack of trust, and subsequently disengage with civic nationalism. Decreased confidence in civic institutions is indicated in a national survey published in 2025, in which in 2023 only 47% of surveyed individuals believed that a Scottish Parliament gave ordinary people a say. While this could be viewed as increased support for Westminster, the survey of support and confidence in the UK parliament to work in the interest of the Scottish people was significantly lower. Arguably, this indicates an overall reduction of faith in civic institutions rather than support for one side or the other. Although a causational relationship between civic disengagement and inequality has yet to be conclusively proven, a substantial amount of research suggests a correlation.

There is again a comparison to be made between Scotland and Ireland. Within Ireland the rhetoric of ethnic nationalism has struck gold in the most impoverished areas of the country, where crisis’ such as the housing shortage have resulted in a population increasingly disengaged and mistrusting of the civic institutions that civic nationalism relies on. In these areas the populist appeal of a ‘traditional’ Irish state based on heritage and co-opted cultural indicators have provided a sparkling alternative for individuals who have lost faith in the ability of institutions to improve their situation. A similar trend can be seen in England, in which economic disenfranchisement has increased the appeal of exclusionary ethnic nationalistic narratives along regional lines. The harm of these exclusionary narratives should not be downplayed, but neither should the institutional factors that have created fodder for radicalisation.

Safeguarding Civic Nationalism going forward

This is a particularly pressing concern as the question of an independent Scotland continues to be raised, and with it the terms of the independence movement as a practical political reality continue to be negotiated within Holyrood. Equally, the terms of the next potential referendum are being negotiated within communities, homes and families. These negotiations will set the agenda for the form Scottish Nationalism will take not just in the lead up to a referendum, but also for years to come, as seen in post-independence Ireland, where the shape of Nationalism continues to be brought to the political forefront. The SNP’s steadfast commitment to civic nationalism remains imperative but so does the recognition that the independence movement exists beyond it, and therefore as a governing party it must keep its finger on the pulse and recognise the fault-lines within civic nationalism that are being drawn now and which may be re-visited in the future as an independent Scotland forms.

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This blog is part of the SPS Student Academic Blog series. You can read more contributions from the series here.

First published: 2 June 2026